Revolutionary Socialist Federation is declared!


The capitalist-imperialist system maintains its hegemony over life and living things in the historical section we are in, with its mechanism of operation based on the relationship of multiple exploitation and domination. With the reintegration of the socialist countries led by the USSR and China into the system through the capitalist restoration process, the rulers and the ideologues of the system, who took advantage of the situation, declared the “end of history”. The spiritual collapse created by the capitalist restoration process caused the liquidationist understanding to gain momentum. Especially in recent years, it has been seen once again that the rhetoric that the ideal of communism is not possible is a neoliberal lie. Once again, it has become clear that the ideal of communism is not just a “dream” of the past and that it has the potential to establish a strong alternative free life against the capitalist system.

The ideal of communism cannot be seen as a vision of “heaven” idealized in the minds of crude evolutionist and historical progressive understandings that approach life and reality through the theory of productive forces. Scientific socialism and the dialectical materialist philosophy on which it is based do not require being passive in the face of life, but on the contrary, it requires being active and interventionist. With this aspect, the ideal of communism cannot be perceived as a pacifist conception that denies the conscious dynamic role of human. On the contrary, it can be interpreted as an alternative world vision that intervenes in life with the activist spirit of Marxist philosophy and in which the current system is overcomed with the process of social upheaval. Such is our image and understanding of the ideal of communism.

Scientific socialist theory or Marxism is not a panacea with abstract principles and formulations, but rather a scientific methodology and guide to action developed for the interpretation and modification of material life. With this aspect, the theory must be in accordance with the material reality. No theory fully reflects material reality. At this point, reality cannot be fully perceived, due to the limitations of our sense organs, the state of current technology, and the fact that people perceive the situation in their own subjectivity while approaching material reality. Therefore, it is necessary to make the determinations closest to the material reality. Because, the stronger the connection between theory and reality, the more correct the method and style of intervening in life. The more the theory is distanced from material reality, the more it moves away from the situation of changing life. While this is the case, it is very important for us to determine strategy and tactical policies in accordance with social reality. It is clear that understandings that determine strategies and tactics by putting their own desires in place of reality, instead of forming policies on social reality, will not be successful in life. Political segments, which impose their will on life or material reality and often develop politics in accordance with the feelings of the organizational base on which they are based, have done great harm to the struggle so far. Although the main aim is a deep-rooted social revolution, the populist and mass-tailist politics developed with the rush to save the day has long since collapsed.

The political line represented by the Communist Leader Comrade İbrahim Kaypakkaya was in accordance with the spirit of the scientific socialist method. The revolutionary break of ’71 represented a holistic exit with its theoretical and practical dimensions. This revolutionary political outburst had made a break from the official understanding of the period intellectually and practically from pacifism. The shocking effect of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (BPKD) on the world undoubtedly affected the leader comrade deeply. Kaypakkaya and his comrades did not understand the system unilaterally in the light of BPKD. Although this point of view has important limitations in certain dimensions, it was quite important in its historical reality. Mao Zedong’s understanding of explaining the problem of return with an internal enemy rather than an external one was highly valuable. While targeting the Bourgeois Headquarters to the masses, he also attacked the internal logic of the system.

People learned about possessiveness from their relationship with objects. This form of relationship between the human being the subject and the beings as the object later revealed the objectification of the human in the face of his own creations. This state of being related in material life gave birth to a philosophical dualism based on the subject-object dualism on the philosophical plane. The intellectual structure built on the subject-object duality was also reflected in the relationship between society and the individual. The subject-object relationship between the rulers and the ruled, the oppressors and the oppressed, the teachers and the students is the philosophical perception that corresponds in life. The anti-system political movements, which could not get rid of the effects of philosophical idealism, built their organizational style on this wrong basis. In this form of perception, the individual is reduced to an object. It is not important for the individual to realize oneself, reveal their power of activity and act. Since only meeting the organizational needs is important, the liberation of the individual objectified within the system’s network was left unsolved until after the revolution. When historical experiences are examined, it will be seen how important it is to reveal the new human type. The need of organizational organizations is a necessity rather than a preference at the point of overcoming the system that stands before us. The system stands before us with its operation, tools, huge organization and disciplined way of functioning. Therefore, the success of the struggle against the system can only be possible with disciplined organizational organizations. It is clear that the organization has a relationship of objectification in the last instance, and this cannot be ignored. It is a strategic tool to be used in a world of necessity. Understanding the issue in this way can both ensure that the strategic role of the organization as a relationship of necessity is not denied and that the relationship of objectification in the organization-individual relationship weakens. Awareness relationship should also be knitted in every dimension where the relationship of alienation is revealed. The state of awareness is like the antidote to the state of alienation.

When it comes to the perception of the system and the line of practical struggle developed in line with it, it is seen that revolutionary-democratic and patriotic organizations have established themselves from the official part of the system, and from this side they are included in the “game” from the official area. The relationship established with the official sphere is the relationship established with the system, power and its intellectual structures. Since the left did not adequately examine and question its relational ties with the official sphere, it could not draw correct conclusions. The anti-system political struggle line of the left, which reads the system and its structures through the official field, is also very problematic. This point of view not only did not liberate the society and the individual, but also strengthened the objectification created by the system.

When we approach the issue specific to Turkey, we can see this situation in its entirety. The approach of the revolutionary-democrats and patriots to the national security document of the Turkish ruling classes is based on the understanding of being included in the “game” based on the official field. There are certain situations in the National Security Document that are considered to pose a threat to the survival of the system and the state. In the National Security Document, known as the red lines of the system and the state, various determinations have been made that they pose a threat to the system of many social segments, from Islamists to Alevis, from rightists to leftists. Islamists comment on the threat of reaction and patriots comment on the “separatist” designation, but the basic determinations of the system over the national security document are not objected to. This example reveals how strong the relationship between the political parties, which claim to be against the system, and the official one. The relationship established with the official sphere is also revealed in the relationship established by the revolutionary-democratic organizations with the government. In this way of thinking, power remains limited only to the capitalist system and the state, and the phenomenon of “other” power is ignored. Since the logic of power is not sufficiently questioned in the relationship established with the official sphere, it causes the oppressed to rationalize the power and domination relationship within themselves.

The problems in the left’s perspective on life are also manifested in perceiving the system, making sense of it and positioning it. The relationship between the system and power is perceived as one-sided. Therefore, the system is reduced to external and macro structures. The ignorance of the depth and multidimensional nature of social alienation has led to the problematic establishment and organization of the social liberation struggle. In this perspective, the system is reduced to the state and generally to political power. As such, the distinction between friend and foe is blurred over the main and subordinate distinction. The system is a state of being, and as such, it is a complex and intertwined set of relationships. The one-sided understanding of the system prevents adequate understanding of the logic of operation, the state of self-reproduction, and the state of energization. The cliques that hold political power in the present “moment” are identified as enemies and the opposition bourgeois cliques are bypassed. Thus, the system that expresses a gigantic relationship and organization is set aside, and in this perspective, political power becomes everything. The one-sided perception of the system is not only limited to this situation, but also the public’s share in the production and maintenance of the system is ignored. The system rises through social consensus and complicity. The people or the oppressed social categories are not naive. The struggle against the external incarnation of the system and power alone is not enough. This is why it is essential to understand the internal nature of the system and to carry out the struggle with this side of the system against the whole system. Focusing on the external dimension of the system, but not sufficiently examining its internal logic, has an important place in the flashbacks experienced in socialist experiences. As can be understood from historical experience, socialist systems were defeated by the internal enemy, not by the external enemy. Of course, the method of fighting against the system standing outside us is not the same as the method towards its internal dimension. The method of the struggle against the capitalist system and the method of solving the contradictions between the people and the people’s forces are different. The solution of the contradictions within the people and people’s forces is the struggle of two lines, which finds meaning as the struggle of right and wrong. Correction of wrong ideas by persuasion method is the main goal with political struggle. The struggle between two lines can be met in practical life only if the law of the parties is guaranteed. Otherwise, there can be no talk of a two-line struggle. The segments that use the word “two-line struggle” a lot have not created the conditions for the correct continuation of the two lines until today. Despite the situation, they made it a habit to talk on two lines. It does not make sense on its own how many good words are said, or perspectives are put forward on the struggle of the two lines. If the two-line struggle is not implemented practically within the organization after it has been brought to consciousness, it does not make any sense. There is no indication that those who have been chewing the two-line struggle for years practice this in life. In that case, words that are not applied in life have no value. The implementation of the two-line struggle is one of our top priorities.

Since the system has become more intricate and complex in the historical conditions we are in, it is inevitable to establish the line of struggle through intersectionality. In the era of imperialism and proletarian revolutions, every contradiction finds meaning and corresponds as the battleground of the two classes. Identity-based contradictions are part of the class struggle in the era of proletarian revolutions, and it is not a revolutionary point of view to blur identity struggles with the class struggle. This point of view cannot be equated with identitarian politics. Identity-oriented political understanding is based on seeing each contradiction on its own and ignoring the class basis of contradictions. Radical democratic or post-modern understandings find ground precisely in a climate detached from class struggle. In life, all social contradictions are related to the world of property. As a matter of fact, all political understandings that lack a radical settling perspective with the proprietary system, no matter how they define themselves, cannot go beyond identitarian politics. The political horizons of these sections cannot exceed the limits of bourgeois democracy. It is inevitable that our understanding of the system as a whole is shaped by intersectionality. Those who stigmatize our handling of our struggle through this reality as post-modern Marxism are trapped in identitarian politics. Radical democracy has become the political compass of these segments. While this is the case, there is no material basis for the claims made by the aforementioned political segments. These baseless claims that have no relation to reality are worship from the illusion that these political groups want to create and the policy of hiding their own reality.

Class social systems have passed through various stages from the past to the present. The sovereign, who stands at the top of the social pyramid, organizes the social organization and develops strategies to manage the masses, learned from the experience of the past process. The Sovereign has ensured the continuity of the system until today by constantly renewing itself in terms of management. In the historical process, there have been changes in management strategies and tactics. Since the bourgeoisie became the ruling class, it has gained significant experience and advantages, especially in mass management, by using various tools in this sense. In the classical colonialism process, there are important changes between the policies followed by the rulers to subjugate the people in the colonized countries and the style followed by the neo-colonial politics. The bourgeoisie has evolved into more effective methods today by developing the policies and tools it used in the past at the point of mass management. In the historical process we are in, the sovereigns continue to manage through information, disinformation and perception management. It is essential that organizations struggling against the system, especially in this era called the information age, renew themselves at this point. Our political work reaching millions and the success of our political line may be possible if we position ourselves in accordance with the characteristics of the age. If we aim to make our politics effective, from the form of organization to the methods of struggle, from political campaigns to agitation and propaganda, it is imperative that the methods and tools we use comply with the characteristics of the age.

Leadership and mass line should be shaped in accordance with this understanding. If the relationship between the leadership and the mass is not built on a correct basis, it will not be possible for people to cease to be a mass and become free individuals and a society. The struggle plays a liberating role to the extent that the relationship between leadership and mass is mutually transformed into a relationship between learner and teacher. Leadership; It means interrelationship, consciousness, political vision and sincerity. Leadership is incompatible with domination, tyranny, and one-sided relationships. An understanding that sees itself as absolute will and closes its eyes and ears to the thoughts and words of others cannot integrate with the public. An understanding that only complains and is incapable of solving problems is also incompatible with leadership. A mechanism that is expected to solve problems does not have leadership qualities if it does not show the ability to solve problems. The revolutionary organization, which leads the masses due to the world of necessity, must use a determined and accountable language against the system. Using a passive language against the system will not be the right approach in this sense. An organization that claims to be a pioneer should also be clear with its stance against the system. The attitude of bending and twisting in the face of the system is not an attitude that will be accepted by the masses. This is one of the important differences between us and those who claim to be pioneers and present brilliant examples of “how not to lead and lead”. Politics is made to millions, and as such, it is determined by the demands and reality of millions while determining political goals in our political work. Politics cannot be limited to them, or to only hundreds or thousands. Those who took the struggle against the system in Turkey with an erroneous understanding and claimed leadership emptied the interior of the international struggle. This understanding also served to nullify the value of leadership in the revolutionary struggle. It is not possible for these political groups from European countries, who act with the understanding of directing the struggle in Turkey and Kurdistan, to lead the struggle. Of course, it was inevitable for these groups, who claimed to manage the politics of Turkey and Kurdistan from abroad, to empty the content of the understanding of leadership. If the European countries had acted with the understanding of participating in the communist struggle in their countries instead of trying to direct the politics of Turkey and Kurdistan, perhaps the revolutionary struggle of the relevant geographies could have been led. At the same time, relations with Turkey and the Kurdistan struggle could have developed on an international basis. The understanding of leadership and internationalism should develop on this axis.

In the struggle against the capitalist system, communists and revolutionaries have significant savings. The ideal of communism expresses the overcoming of the capitalist system and the social liberation in which all kinds of exploitation and domination relations will come to an end. The ideal of communism is not an arbitrary, fanciful, or utopian project. The potential for realization exists in social reality itself. Scientific theory-practice developed by comrades Marx and Engels, the founders of scientific socialist methodology, proved this situation many times in life. We have vast experience and experience against the scientific socialist method and the capitalist system both in the world and in the geography of Turkey and Kurdistan. Armenian communists, Mustafa Suphi’s, Deniz Gezmiş’s, Mahir Çayan’s comrade’s departure, communist leader İbrahim Kaypakkaya’s target of communism without any ambiguity, the struggle of revolutionaries and communists who fought for the sake of communism at the cost of their lives and died for the sake of revolution, challenged the system with the scientific socialist method. The struggle of the 17s who read is very valuable and meaningful. The spontaneous rebellion experiences of the class and the people again carried the hope of freedom and revolution against the multiple exploitation mechanism of the capitalist system. The note that the working class spontaneously stood up against the capitalist system and went down in history with the Great Workers’ Resistance of June 15-16, then the image of freedom created by the Gezi/Haziran Revolt in the oppressed by the people who did not leave the streets and squares against the political power for days with the spirit of freedom and rebellion, the social riots and actions that emerged in Europe and Latin America, from the Yellow Vests to the Rebellion Extinction, Las-Tesis and Colombia, became the expression of the discontent against the system. The social revolts and actions that emerged against the exploitation of labor, discrimination and marginalization became the sign of the objection of the people in various tones and styles to the working mechanism of the capitalist system based on the relationship of multiple exploitation and domination. These revolts, which have emerged in recent years, once again showed how burning the need for an organized political struggle against the entire capitalist-imperialist system is. The necessity of the existence of a disciplined and organized organization with the target of communism for the success of the struggle against the system has been understood once again.

Freedom is the state of being brought into consciousness of necessity. With this aspect, we embarked on a revolutionary construction process with the aim of establishing the organizational organization we need in order to organize and struggle against the multiple exploitation and domination mechanism of the capitalist system. Today, we have started to lay the foundations of the flexible and robust organizational structure that mobilizes millions to fight against the system, creates a new individual and society by revealing the potential for rebellion and action, and can show the ability to fight against the organizations and iron corps of the system. With the completion of the Revolutionary Construction Congress process, let’s participate in the organizational and political construction process with all our strength with the aim of realizing this process of erecting this organizational talent and collective organizational will on its feet. With the awareness that we do not even have a “moment” to lose in the fight, let’s strain our lungs in the fight against the system. Let’s raise the struggle against the exploitation of labor, patriarchy, the binary gender system, the colonialism, the proprietary system based on nature and assets. We have entered a new organizational construction process, based on the reality that it is a necessity of the world of necessity, rather than being a matter of choice, to oppose the capitalist system and its forms of existence with an organized struggle. The proclamation of the Revolutionary Socialist Federation, whose foundation we have announced today, was shaped by this reality. We are aware of the responsibility that our political goals and claims impose on us. Therefore, we embark on a new organizational organization because this organizational need has arisen. Otherwise, it is not a search to add a new one to the organizational inflation experienced by acting with the understanding of “for appearances’ sake”. Overcoming the current system and realizing the ideal of communism can only be possible with great political claims and organizations. In this sense, our collective is politically assertive at the point of changing life. It is not possible for an organizational structure that does not have a political claim to overcome the existing system and build a new life.

The Revolutionary Socialist Federation, which we declared its establishment with the declaration we published, claims to be a political organization tool of the oppressed against all kinds of policies based on exploitation, plunder and domination relations created by the capitalist system in the world. Acting within the framework of the mission undertaken by our federation, let’s resolutely increase the struggle for the realization of the ideal of communism, which expresses another world and life, by organizing the masses, becoming subjects and acting with the spirit of rebellion. Let’s join our organization, the Revolutionary Socialist Federation, which will add a new breath and dynamism to the political struggle in the light of past experiences, on the 51st anniversary of the Great Workers’ Resistance on 15-16 June, and let’s record all political work in the name of social liberation.

The United People Will Never Be Defeated!

Down with Capitalism, Imperialism and Fascism!

Long live Proletarian Internationalism!

Revolutionary Socialist Federation